Why boycott the elections?

Friday, May 15 2009

The Lebanese citizen is undoubtedly living in great confusion and indecision over what he is seeing and hearing, while being pulled in different directions by the parliamentary speeches and news reports. His fears of the 'other' Lebanese are being fanned, while he also has to contend with devastating living conditions for himself and his family. The Lebanese citizen has much to deal with in this period of parliamentary elections. These elections are no more than one opportunity out of many for change, an opportunity to bring to account the ministers for what they have and have not done in a country in which the political layer, which has been in power since the Taef accord, is barring the way for conciliation and change. We feel that we should start by canceling this sectarian system which is the main pillar of support for the renewal of this political layer at each election, and as such, we call for an electoral law which relies on proportional representation. This will help to cancel one of the most important foundations of the sectarian system. We at the National Dialogue Party took the decision early on to boycott the elections, namely since the signing of the Doha agreement, at which time we perceived that these elections would only be illusory. They would simply serve to extend the lifespan of a political layer which has brought so many crises to the country. Having said that, we do feel that this agreement suppressed a great civil crisis before it led to all-out civil war, as well as assuring the election of an agreed-upon president for the country. However, the Doha agreement which was convened on the basis of a Saudi-Syrian agreement and with the blessing of the United States, caused a breakdown in the opportunity for change in the political balance of power. This breakdown led to the further entrenchment of the sectarian leaders as well as to a widespread devastation amongst the youth who were awaiting the elections in the hope that their voices would be heard through their participation in the decision-making process open to those over 18 years of age.

The Lebanese citizen may well ask why we are calling for a boycott of the elections, particularly as the right to vote is one which is guaranteed by the constitution. Let the citizen ask himself what this government has done in its two manifestations (the first when it was a majority and the second when it united the ruling power and the opposition) in dealing with the inflation crisis, the rise of prices and the issue of unemployment, specifically after the global financial crisis, which affected thousands of young Lebanese people in the Arab world in general and in the Arabian Gulf specifically in addition to those working in the West whose finances which used to support their families in Lebanon are disappearing! None of this can be condoned, neither by the Shiite, the Sunni, the Maronite, nor indeed by any other Lebanese citizen whatever his confession. Lebanon's debt, which now exceeds fifty billion dollars, will remain as a sword hanging over the heads of the Lebanese people; there is also the debt service which is estimated for this year in the draft budget for 2009 (which has yet to be approved) to be in the range of 6400 billion Lebanese pounds. It is clear that the political decision-making power in Lebanon will remain in the hands of the political layer which holds partisanship dear and which does not defend the official institutions except when relating to its share of spoils and plunder, thus ensuring a permanent disruption of the economic sectors. And let the Lebanese citizen ask himself about why his emotions are being played with and he is being dragged into the bloody games by those who would see the downfall of his country and his fellow citizens and who have driven the country's institutions to devastation and collapse for the sake of sectarian and confessional interests in parliamentary elections whose results are already known and which were agreed upon in Doha (particularly with relation to Beirut). So then, why all this political grand-standing - is it simply to prepare the ground for renewed civil conflicts, the terrible results of which the Lebanese people and their country will have to endure?

The country requires 'good' ministers who will work for the people through a national social framework to improve the difficult economic situation and who will bring to account those who stole or engaged in corruption in the state and misused their power. This will not happen except through the creation of civil, educated and national groups whose existence will apply pressure on the forces of corruption and political stalemates as well as on sectarian and political factors. There is no doubt that the reform of the internal political situation is a crucial issue following the end of the electoral process, whether the ruling power is united or divided, on the dialogue table or elsewhere, because only this will provide the solution to the vacillation which Lebanon and the Lebanese people are witnessing. The conflicts amongst the divided sects and factions will not feed the hungry, give work to the unemployed or pay the country's debts, and they definitely will not ensure security for Lebanon. Our country is facing a difficult phase, not only because of the Israeli threats to Lebanon, Syria and Iran, but also due to the divisions which plague the political arena (with all their effects on the streets) in relation to a number of issues, not least of which is the issue of the weapons of the resistance, the position of Hezbollah and the fragility of the internal situation and national unity in facing any regional emergency. All the indications show that we will not emerge from the political chaos in a country which is so divided and which has such fragile alignments, and that the economic, social and regional issues will be ever-present in the shadow of a general confusion, with changing regional balances which may have effects on the international and regional situation.

What is required before anything else, is a new electoral law which adopts the concept of proportional representation whether on a national or on a provincial level. It is through such a system of proportionality that we can cancel the negative effects of previous elections as proportionality lessens the extent of confessionalism and opens the way for non-sectarian parties to participate. In any case, we are in a situation which will create confusion for both the winners and the losers. Elections such as those currently taking place are a sure-fire entry to the political and security chaos which we have previously warned against. Indeed, the current electoral law will only allow the disorder and division to continue and to flourish. It is our view that this division will affect each and every sect and that this will give rise to political and sectarian plans in the future. Because of this, we advise the adoption of a new electoral law which depends upon proportional representation and a law for the parties which rests on the concept of Lebanese nationhood and closes the door on sectarian and factional groups.

We believe that administrative reform in Lebanon is impossible without true political reform, starting with an electoral law, as well as a reconsideration of the economic policies which have been in place since 1992, a reconsideration of the socio-economic Council and the amendment of the laws relating to the judiciary, all of which can be done through the reliance on internal democratic machinery independent from political power. Such reform is not possible with the current political layer which will also return to power in the upcoming elections, taking place under the law of 1960 which fuells sectarian and confessional isolation. The major mistakes which mar these elections must be a cause for us and for others to create pressure lobbies in the civil community. Political reform must start in the civil community through the creation of a non-confessional social force which will spread its work across the country, with the active and effective cooperation of the elite and intellectuals working for all elements of society affected by the economic policies, by the fall of industry and agriculture and by the absurdity of policies which create university students for whom there is no place in the job market and who thus have to emigrate or resort to political begging for employment.

In conclusion, a national reworking has become necessary for the sake of making it past these crises after these elections are over. The shoring up of the nation demands the immunization against the major defects in the sectarian system and the assertive imposition of solutions for the sake of saving the nation from blind conflict.