The issue of the lowering of the voting age is an example of the gap between slogans and actions

Friday, Feb 26 2010

What do politicians mean when they speak of 'the state', particularly when they refer to an 'effective state'? In practice, there remains no single politician currently in Lebanon who has not used these words. All the political forces have used this slogan in an attempt to achieve their personal interests, whatever they may be. Political conflicts within the shared power system come from attempts to establish the state and to build its constitutional, administrative, military and security institutions, in addition to upholding the concept of nationhood through commitment to the state institutions and their functions in the service of the state and the people.

The latest experiences in Cabinet to pass a law to lower the voting age to 18 serves as an example how the different political forces abuse issues of reform, using slogans for issues related to the interests of these groups or political individuals, or for the imposition of new balances, or to strengthen their existing positions or even as a prelude to a new system of quotas. And when when these slogans are no longer useful, they fade into oblivion and the politician or political force then begins to make excuses and propose justifications for missing the opportunity to deal with these issues.

In the latest Cabinet session, a clear division was apparent, not only in the links between some of the political powers to the civil community, but also in the reform slogans of this group and the requirements of dealing with some of the necessary procedures to bring the minimum of these reforms to the Lebanese system. In practice, this means the rejection of the state and of the conscientious implementation of the Taef agreement.

The question arises: to whom can the citizen turn if he cannot turn to the state? If the citizen considers that his rights lie only with the state and its institutions, then will he find himself dealing with a state and institutions which will treat him equally with other citizens? Is this the dilemma? If the departmental head of each of these institutions has to thank for his position the political power or group or sectarian leader, then will this departmental head use the principle of dealing with all citizens on an equal footing or will he be beholden to someone so that he can reach the top levels of his department? How will the dealings of this institution be transparent if a blind eye is turned to mistakes, waste or corruption, because the head is protected by an understanding based on consensus and quotas?! And because of this, the issue of the administrative appointments remains conditional upon favorable quota conditions!

At this point, I would like to address the Conciliation and Change group through dialogue, because this group deserves consideration more than others, that is the Free Patriotic Movement whose attempts to serve the nation and the people we greatly respect and appreciate. We were amongst the first to welcome the document of understanding between the Aounist group and Hezbollah which created an example for inter-Lebanese dialogue, leaving in its wake an open and relaxed atmosphere not only for the Shiites and the Maronites, but for the Lebanese in general, coming as it did at a time when civil peace and national unity were under threat. We need to note that this understanding created a popular cooperation during the Israeli aggression on Lebanon in July and August of 2006, though the Sunni group was notably absent; we must emphasize once again that the Sunni absence from the current conciliations taking place makes these reconciliations incomplete and threatened with failure.

The Free Patriotic Movement and its parliamentary bloc was the political group most committed to reform as a prelude to the creation of a state and the strengthening of its institutions. The Speaker of the House, Mr. Nabih Berri, issued an invitation to form a National Commission for the cancellation of political sectarianism as is stated in the constitution. This was followed by an announcement of a parliamentary session to approve the lowering of the voting age in preparation for the youth over the age of 18 to participate in the upcoming municipal elections, even though the Aounist group is satisfied with relying on proportional representation in the parliamentary and municipal elections. And what of those positions which incompatible with the movement's slogans and its approach to upholding of the concept of citizenship? Here, it is perhaps better not to recall the Free Patriotic Movement's acceptance of a worn-out electoral law which is incompatible with the ideals of reconciliation and change which they espouse.

This does not serve to acquit anyone of the political forces all of whom rejected the plan of reducing the voting age; indeed, the other parties, and particularly the Future Movement, currently headed by Mr. Fouad Seniora, are also shamed by this rejection. There is a clear contrast between the recent speech of Prime Minister Saad Hariri on the occasion of the commemoration of the assassination of his father, during which he urged the youth to participate in the belief that this age group can have an impact on society and its development, while Mr. Seniora shied away from these statements made by the man who is effectively the leader of the Future Movement.

We at the National Dialogue Party put forward this example. We only seek to use dialogue as a means of putting forward our issues. All of those who share in power have fallen into this dilemma not just today but since the creation of Lebanon. This dilemma is linked to the fears of the political power regarding the loss of the sectarian system and the dismantling of the partisan ties which are brought into play when needed, whether in elections or in a conflict over a position amongst the populace. This dilemma is, more often than not, related to the conflict between the rival political groups within one arena. And thus it is mostly fabricated by the politicians themselves because the mobilization of partisanships is the easiest way to reach the people and get their sympathy! For this, we may blame the Movement, because we are well aware that adherence to the sectarian system and even the equal division between Christians and Muslims which is approved by the Taef agreement do not make for a stable nation and cannot constitute a permanent guarantee for civil peace; we also feel that moving to a state based on citizenship is what will give rise to a stable and a fair state. At the National Dialogue Party, we feel that the cancellation of political sectarianism and the establishment of a systems based on equal rights and equal duties for all citizens will inevitably eliminate various concerns based on numbers especially amongst the Christians.

The truth before us today is that the country is in a state of stagnation, its institutions do not work, the various topmost positions in administration are vacant and waste is rampant. Were it not for the vitality of the Lebanese youth – particularly those abroad – the Lebanese state would be in its death throes. This vitality is extremely important if Lebanon is to figure once again on the world map as is being attempted by President Suleiman. We hope that this external vitality, accompanied by effective governmental work, particularly relating to revitalizing the institutions and improving the people's living conditions, will have an effect. Prime Minister Saad Hariri needs to work to support Lebanon in facing the Israeli aggression and the threats from the Zionist entity. However, this rests on activating economic issues and formulating an economic plan which does not date from the dark ages, as indeed the country has lacked a budget and an economic plan since 2005.

In any case, the existing problems do not rest exclusively on the shoulders of two men, nor do they go back to any lack of resolve on their part to build the state and its institutions. Rather, they are the problems of all the political forces involved in government all of whom have a part to play in aggravating the situation. This certainly applies to the Cabinet which includes in its ranks the same forces who are creating more problems for the country. What has this government done so far for the various issues relating to the affairs of the people and their needs and aspirations? The answer is nothing! Unless we include the increase of VAT from 10% to 15% as an achievement to fill the country's empty treasury by emptying the pockets of the poor can ill afford to feed themselves and their children! Will the debt also be repaid from the pockets of the people? How far will this government run from the truth of the squalid economic, financial and living conditions in which the Lebanese people live? The road to consensus between the sects will not feed the hungry, employ the unemployed or cancel the country's debts.

In conclusion, the real gateway to comprehensive reform lies in political reform, while the key to political reform lies in the implementation of the Taef agreement starting with the creation of a National Commission for the cancellation of political sectarianism and the passing of an electoral law which depends on proportional representation. The state of the institutions will not be stable so long as the highest ambition of the politicians is to maintain the sectarian and confessional political alignments. Avoiding reform means that the strengthening of the state is delayed, and thus that the existing state will remain amongst those failed nations or those which are ripe for collapse and cannot be resurrected other than through reform which will put an end to the political corruption which infects every corner of the state.